Establishment of Chosun-Ming relationship

 

The first recorded incidence of host-client relationship between Chinese and Korean states is that between Qian-Yan(前燕) and Koguryo(高句麗) in 243. Many other incidences followed, but most of them were little more than pursuits of profit or convenience and did not develop into stable relationship. This situation went on until the early part of Koryo(高麗, 916-1392) when Koryo often had relationships with two Chinese dynasties at the same time, Song() and Liao(), or Song and Jin().

 

Koryo entered a new kind of relationship with Yuan() after surrendering to the latter in 1270. Koryo was left an independent kingdom, but as a part of the Mongol Empire under a tight control. Koryo crown princes usually stayed at the Yuan court before ascending the throne, and were married to Mongol princesses. Traffic of people and goods between China and Korea increased greatly during this 'Mongolian Century[蒙古干涉期]' from mid-13th to mid-14th century and Korea was definitely integrated into the Chinese civilization.

 

Yet the relation between Yuan and Koryo was not fully based on Confucian ideas. It relied more on royal marriages in accordance with Mongol tribal customs. Truly Confucian relationship between the two countries was to be achieved between Ming() and Chosun(朝鮮) dynasties at the end of the 14th century.

 

The founder of Ming, Emperor Hong-wu(洪武, r. 1368-1398), was very suspicious of Koreans until the end of his reign. He is widely known for groundless suspicions, but with Koryo he had good enough ground. Koryo had maintained very close relations with Yuan for a full century, the kings themselves being half Mongols. A king(恭愍王, r. 1351-1374) tried to defy the Yuan influence at a fairly early stage, but it ended in his tragic and mysterious death. Koryo returned to the pro-Yuan line, leading to an attempt at a military campaign against Ming in 1388.

 

The campaign was stopped by a military coup by a group of officials and generals who were convinced of the need for a great change for the country. They had a wide range of reforms to carry out and wanted to improve the relation with Ming, by then established as the ruler of Tian-xia.

 

Hong-wu was still reluctant to trust the Koreans. It is not explicitly recorded, but it seems that the Korean leaders of the time selected the new king from an obsolete branch of the royal family (not contaminated by the Mongol blood) so as to win the emperor's trust. The same motive may have also worked to a certain degree in closing the Koryo Dynasty and opening the Chosun Dynasty a few years later(1392).

 

It seems that Hong-wu was not satisfied even with the opening of the Chosun Dynasty. He sent repeated messages to King Tae-jo(太祖, r. 1392-1398) to send an envoy only once every three years while Koreans wanted to send three envoys every year. The Emperor also often found fault with expressions in letters from the Korean King and even demanded to send to him the drafter of a letter. Taking into consideration the great persecutions Hong-wu was making in his own court (1390 胡惟庸之獄, 1393 藍玉之獄) one could easily imagine how difficult he would have been with Koreans.

 

The effort of the Chosun Dynasty founders to make the relationship with Ming a very close one was accepted by Emperor Yong-le(永樂, r. 1402-1424). Three annual envoys were received (for the beginning of the year, and for the birthdays of the emperor and the crown prince) and a while later, the fourth annual envoy, for the winter solstice, was added. And there were also other envoys on specific missions. During the 58 years between 1392 and 1449, 399 Chosun envoys visited the Ming court while only 95 Ming envoys visited the Chosun court.

 

Why were the early Chosun leaders so eager to make the relationship with Ming so close? They obviously wanted more than just a guarantee of non-aggression. It seems to be a question to which a straight answer is hard to find, but one can try some speculation on the basis of the situation.

 

The first thing to be considered is the range and intensity of reforms needed in Chosun. The proclamation of the new land management system (under the name of '科田法') in 1391 amounted to a socio-economic revolution. During the Mongolian Century, Koryo government neglected to check on the privatization of land and labor and by the end of the dynasty, the better part of the country's resources were in the hands of a small range of power groups. (Too high ratio of slaves among the population was already a serious problem at the end of the 13th century. The 一賤則賤 principle ["If one of the parents is a slave, the child will become a slave."] had kept the slave ratio rising until there were too few free people left to support the state. A resident official from Yuan[闊里吉思] advised the King to change the principle to 一良爲良,["If one of the parents is not a slave, the child will not be made a slave."] but his recall was manipulated by the Koryo nobility who did not want the change.)

 

The primary task for the founders of the new dynasty was disempowering the existing powers(the nobility and the Buddhist monasteries). It was a task bound to arouse great resistance for an extended length of time. To manage this, they needed a stable relationship with China on the one hand and on the other, an effective ideology to persuade the middle class to support the reform. They found the answer to meet both needs in the socio-political ideas of Confucianism. It was this urge for coherence that made them more devoted to Confucian principles and more eager for close relationship with China than the Ming rulers of the time. The Ming rulers accepted the relationship proposed by Chosun leaders only after years of the latter's persistence.

 

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The principle

 

'Deference to the big[事大]' and 'caring for the small[字小]' were established as principles of world order no later than the Chun-qiu(春秋) period. An article in Chun-qiu zuo-shi-zhuan(春秋左氏傳) reads that "Li() lies in the deference of the small to the big and the caring of the big for the small[禮者 小事大 大字小 之謂]". And it is further elaborated in a passage of Meng-zi(孟子), "It is the benevolence[] of the big to care for the small, (...) and the wisdom[] of the small to defer to the big. (...) The big's caring will please the Heaven[樂天] and the small's deference will satisfy the Heaven[畏天]. He who pleases the Heaven will retain the World, and he who satisfies the Heaven will keep his realm."

 

'Discrimination' is one of the major vices for which Confucianism has been accused in the modern world, where 'equality' is an indisputable virtue. The spirit of discrimination is even more clearly manifest in passages of Li-ji(禮記) that "punitive measures do not go up to noble people[刑不上大夫]" and that "rites do not go down to lay people[禮不下庶人]". It means that the principle of social order worked in different ways at different social levels.

 

Discrimination was applied not only to polities and social classes, but also to individuals, on the basis of their wealth. In a passage of Analects, Zi-gong(子貢) asks the Master, "What do you think about being poor without being servile and being rich without being arrogant?" The Master answers, "Very good. But it would be still better to be pleasant in poverty and to support the rites in wealth." They both were taking for granted that poor men and rich men are supposed to behave in different ways.

 

Confucianism certainly did not have the kind of belief in 'equality' that prevailed in the modern world. This difference derived basically from different world-views. There was a movement in the 18th century Europe toward the reduction of social and political discriminations. The appearance of J Dalton's atomic theory at the beginning of the 19th century was welcomed by this movement with some overenthusiasm, and people began looking at the world as an assembly of atoms; "Just as the material world is composed of equal atoms, a human society is a gathering of equal individuals." This world-view pushed people to aim at something more than the reduction of discriminations. Now they began to believe in the total abolition of all discriminations. And this atomic view was applied to international politics as well; "The world is composed of (atom-like) independent sovereign states."

 

Just as the atomic view downplayed the need for the protection of the weak in the capitalist system and made the society a jungle for the "survival of the fittest", it encouraged powerful countries to take merciless and aggressive policies, to make the world a very dangerous place. If so, in time ways should have been found to change it. How did it go on for such a long time? It was the fast development of technology that allowed the situation to continue. New technologies kept offering more and more efficient means to exploit the nature and the increased material supply kept a good part of the populace satisfied.

 

To be noticed is an aspect of modern humanism that alienated the nature. Modern man saw nature as nothing more than the background for the human being. Late 19th century people believed that the nature is infinite, so she was not to be essentially affected by any human exploitation. It began to dawn on people only in the late 20th century that it might not be so.

 

Homo-sapiens was just a part of the nature before the beginning of civilization. Development of civilization brought changes to the relation between the nature and the human society. Distance seemed to appear and increase between them. But it cannot be a real 'distance' because humans cannot separate themselves completely from the nature. What changes is only the location of humans in the nature, just like that of Sun Wu-kong(孫悟空) on Buddha's palm.

 

There always have been people in all societies who fancied that human societies could be totally separated from the nature. But it was difficult for them to become the mainstream of any important tradition because such a belief would have worked against the sustainability of the tradition. The popularity of this belief in the modern world has been a rare exception and I do not expect it to go on for a long more time.

 

Also to be noticed is the role of the Heaven as quoted above from Meng-zi. To a modern secularist it would have no more sense than a mere rhetoric, but I read in it the recognition of the relation with the nature. The recognition that things should not be determined only by the collusion of directly involved parties. For agendas which affect more parties than those directly involved, like the climatic change convention, the introduction of a transcendant subject looks quite relevant.

 

At this point of time, when the need to reconsider the relationship between the human society and the nature is more and more strongly perceived, the influence of modern secularism should be thoroughly reexamined. Principles of traditional tributary system of East Asia will make a good material for consideration.

 

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"Stream, oh stream, where is your ceaseless rush headed for?

I am going to the river, to join her majestic march.

River, oh river, where is your steady flow headed for?

I am going to the sea, for a majestic view of the world."

 

It was my favorite number when I was urged to sing a song at farewell parties. Very humble parties to congratulate the departure of those fellows who had finished their time. The roommates would sit around, sharing some biscuits and exchanging words of goodwill. At times, when the guards did not seem to mind, we would take turns to sing a song in a muffled voice and I would sing "Stream, oh stream" when my turn came.

 

My fellows were not pleased at first with my choice of a children's song, but whenever I reached the last verse, "for a majestic view of the world", their faces could not conceal the movement of their minds. [Shenzi]

 

 

A majestic view of the world is now opening for the inmates of the peninsula. [Orun]

 

 

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